Revd Socratez Sofyan Yoman
President of the Fellowship of Baptist Churches of West Papua
West Papua, March 2007
Special Autonomy Law No. 21 Year 2001 was meant to be a wise, respectable and just
solution to the issue of West Papua’s political status and was expected to bring peace to the people of West Papua and the people of Indonesia. The international communities such as United States of America, European Union, Australia, Pacific Nations, African and Asian nations strongly support this policy.
The Special Autonomy Law No. 21 Year 2001 was not born without reasons or history.
Special Autonomy was born as an offer and a decree from the Indonesian government who realized that there was a demand for self-determination from the people of West Papua who demanded that their right to sovereignty, which was historically granted on 1st December 1961, be returned. The people of West Papua also condemned the illegality of the Act of Free Choice in 1969 which was conducted undemocratically and unjustly in West Papua.
The status of the Special Autonomy Law No 21/2001 has given the West Papuans a good
opportunity to manage a special governmental system that could revitalize and protect the basic rights of the indigenous West Papuans.
However, the questions are:
1. Has Special Autonomy stopped the tears and blood of the indigenous West Papuans which still continuously drop and flow on the land of West Papua because of the torture and the cruelty of the Indonesians for 43 years?
2. Does Special Autonomy really guarantee the protection of the basic rights and the
survival of the West Papuans in the future?
3. Does Special Autonomy give proper space and opportunity for the indigenous West
Papuans in the field of education, health and economy?
4. Could Special Autonomy control the flood of migrants from outside West Papua who
migrate to West Papua every week? There are three Royal Line passenger ships each with a 5,000 passenger capacity which bring 15,000 people to West Papua every week. (This figure does not include those who travel to West Papua by air every day.)
5. Has Special Autonomy ended the military and the police mobile brigade (Brimob)
operations in West Papua?
Special Autonomy has become a new problem and has brought suffering and has created more cruel oppression. Certainly a new problem cannot solve existing problems! Any guarantee [in the Special Autonomy Law] of security, safety and the future survival of the indigenous West Papuans is threatened by a systematic genocide of the West Papuan people.
The future of the indigenous West Papuans now seems even darker. The Indonesian police and military’s violence, oppression, terror, and intimidation that has been carried out against the indigenous West Papuans has become the dominant [Indonesian policy] and has been successful on the Melanesian land of West Papua, whereas Special Autonomy has failed.
In Special Autonomy there was a hope of improving the people’s standards of living in the fields of health, economy, and education; however, Special Autonomy has become an even more complex problem. People have not enjoyed “being special” but are experiencing more suffering which increases continuously.
Basically, the indigenous West Papuans have realized that Special Autonomy will neither protect nor improve the lives of the indigenous West Papuans. The truth is that Special Autonomy simply gives the Indonesians more of a chance to use more cruel and inhuman policies to oppress the indigenous West Papuans through its military and police forces.
Based on this realization, nearly 100% of the indigenous West Papuans refused Special Autonomy five years ago. The indigenous West Papuans have had a long, dark and bitter experience living under Indonesian rule for over 43 years.
The indigenous West Papuans were forced to accept Special Autonomy. A number of
ambassadors from the USA, 13 European Union countries and Australia came to West Papua to put pressure on and influence the will of the indigenous West Papuans. At the time of the visit of the 13 European Union ambassadors to West Papua (which include a visit to Wamena, Pyramid village and Manokwari), I was asked to accompany them. I heard directly from the ambassadors that they fully supported the integrity of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia and that they believed that Special Autonomy would build West Papua in the fields of education, health and economy.
Here are the names of the 13 European Union ambassadors [diplomats] who I accompanied during their visit to West Papua: (1) Damaso de Lario (Chairman of Spanish Government delegation which at that time held the presidency of the European Union, (2) Naomi Kyriacopoulos (the third secretary for Political affairs) representing the British ambassador, (3) Balthasar A Benz, Political and Economy councilor for Indonesia, Singapore, Brunei Darussalam, (4) Geert Aagaard Anderson, Danish Ambassador, (5) Harald Sandberg, Swedish Ambassador, (6) Miriam Padilla, Cultural Attaché from the Spanish Embassy, (7) Francois Gauther, First Councilor, French Embassy, (8) Dr Hans Somdaal from the Dutch Embassy, a country which is the most responsible for the current plight of the indigenous West Papuans. These are some of the names I can remember (I am sorry that I do not mention other names).
From the deepest parts of our hearts and minds and to the best of our knowledge which is based on truth and honesty, we would like to inform the international community that the Special Autonomy Law which you have supported has created even more complex problems.
Special Autonomy has created violence, oppression, and created a killing field for the indigenous West Papuans. It has also created an opportunity for the Islamization of West Papuans.
Special Autonomy has successfully increased the number of troops and the number of
migrants which has changed the balance of the indigenous and migrant populations [in West Papua] The migrants are predominantly Moslem. Special Autonomy has also increased the number of modern buildings and shopping centers, none of which belong to or are run by Papuans.
Since Special Autonomy was introduced, what has happened in West Papua?
1. MILITARY OPERATIONS IN PUNCAK JAYA. On 8th December 2006, two Indonesian military
personnel were shot dead by the fake OPM who had been trained by the Indonesian military.
On 24th December 2006, a larger size Morning Star flag was raised on top of Kumipaga
hill. This raised the question of who made the flag and whether the fake OPM had a sewing machine and whether they had the skills to operate the machine in the jungle.
2. PERMANENT MILITARY AND MOBILE BRIGADE POSTS IN PUNCAK JAYA. The followings are the military and the mobile police brigade (Brimob) posts in Puncak Jaya:
1. Military and mobile brigade post in Puncak Irinmuli, Mulia. The military personnel from unit 753 in Nabire are stationed in this post.
2. Military post on Kumipaga hill, north of Mulia town. The military personnel from unit 751 in Jayapura are stationed in this post.
3. Military post on Keluwinggen hill, south of Mulia town. The military personnel from unit 751 in Nabire are stationed in this post.
4. Mobile brigade post in Kulurik village.
5. Military post in Yimilinikime, Yamo district. This area is a bit further away from Kumipaga hill. The military personnel from unit 753 in Nabire are stationed in this post.
3. Local indigenous West Papuans live continuously under heavy terror and intimidation because the Indonesian military has isolated them [from food gardens or other help] and because of the military?s harsh control/sweeping. The people who live in the towns are indigenous Papuans who work as government officials and migrants (these people do not experience terror and intimidation). Indonesia is trying to commit massive killings of the indigenous West Papuans by allowing them to live in fear and hunger. Every corner of Mulia town and the entry points from Guragi (from the East), Yamo (North), Mepagaluk (West), and Yambi (South) are heavily guarded by military and mobile brigade personnel.
Every passing indigenous Papuan was searched thoroughly and their belongings were seized. For example, the military and the police took and kept the Papuans? kerosene, which is important for woodcutting
3. On 22nd February 2007 the regional government, the regional house of parliament, the Indonesian military and the Indonesian police had a meeting and had agreed to establish 8 (eight) more military posts in the villages around Tingginambut, Guragi region, which is East of Mulia town, in the Mepagaluk village, West of Mulia town, and in Yambi village, South of the Mulia town.
4. On 20th February 2007, two platoons of the Indonesian military attacked community
villages in Yamo.
5. The Indonesian military and police, dressed as civilians, then went to stay in the village and began terrorizing and intimidating the native community.
6. President Megawati Soekarnoputri issued Instruction No 1, Year 2003, for the extension of the West Irian Jaya province. The Papuan Regional House of Parliament, the Papuan People's Assembly (MRP) and all the people of West Papua rejected this extension.
However, Jakarta never listened to the voice of the Melanesian people of West Papua. West Irian Jaya Province was established for the benefit of Indonesian intelligence, political and economic interests but not for the protection of the indigenous West Papuans.
7. On 5th November 2003 Yustinus Murip and his 10 other colleagues were killed in Yeleka village, Kurulu district, Jayawijaya regency, West Papua. Yustinus and his friends were accused of destroying the military weapons store in Wamena on the 4th April 2003.
8. Military operations in Kuyawagi since 19th April 2003 have killed 11 people. In
addition, 62 people died in the jungle because of starvation. Some of them were children.
The Indonesian military also destroyed and burned hospitals, church and school buildings and garden fences.
9. In 2004 in Puncak Jaya , the Indonesian Special Forces (Kopassus) killed Reverend
Elisa Tabuni, burned people’s houses and gardens and forced people to flee to the jungles.
10. The number of migrants has shown a sharp increase. Nearly 5000 migrants move to West Papua every week by sea and air transports. The uncontrolled flow of migration has changed the balance of the population, between indigenous West Papuan and the migrants.
The migrants, who are predominantly Moslem, now make up 70% of the total population in the towns, whereas the indigenous West Papuans are 30%. This situation is very obvious in the regencies of Merauke, Sorong, Manokwari, Jayapura, Keerom, Timika, Nabire, and even throughout West Papua. There needs to be a serious research/investigation into this issue.
11. The number of troops which were transported by sea to Merauke regency, Sorong regency and Jayapura regency are more than the number of the indigenous West Papuans in those regencies.
12. Indonesian intelligence officers work in disguise as shop assistants, hotel and
restaurant waiters/waitresses, drivers, fish and vegetable traders, and voucher and hand phone agents. Generally, they have athletic bodies. Their presence has created tension among indigenous West Papuans. It is part of the Indonesian terror and intimidation effort towards West Papuans.
13. Modern buildings for shopping centers were built along side the roads in all towns of West Papua in an effort to show that the there has been progress made in West Papua. The questions we have, however, are: Who owns all the big shops and who works inside these big shops? Where are the indigenous West Papuans?
14. The real OPM are those who understand very well that the school buildings are used to educate the indigenous West Papuans. Therefore, the buildings should be maintained and protected. Thus, the “OPM” that burned school and hospital buildings are the fake OPM, trained and protected by the Indonesian military. In other words, they are militia members like the ones who used to be in East Timor.
15. The West Papuan prisoners in Makassar (falsely accused of attacking the Wamena
weapons store in 2003) have not been released. This shows that there is no peace and
justice in West Papua.
16. In the Special Autonomy era the courts have operated in a very discriminatory way.
The case of the bloody Abepura (7th December 2000) was brought before the court. However, the court acquitted the Chief of Police, Daud Sihombing and Johny Weinal Usman who were involved in the serious human right violations in 2000 in Abepura. The victims of the violence were arrested and jailed, whereas the perpetrators of the violence were released.
17. Eko Berotabui, son of the Synod chairman of the West Papuan Evangelical Christian Church, died in the Abepura prison on 2nd February 2007. Eko Beratabui was accused of being involved in 16th March 2006 Abepura incident. The death of Eko was suspicious and mysterious.
18. The death of Ardi Sugumol who died on 1st December 2006 in the Indonesian Police
Headquarters prison is still in the cold storage in Jakarta. Ardi Sugumol was accused of being involved in the mile 63 incident in the PT Freeport mining area (in which 2 Americans and an Indonesian were killed in 2002).
19. Special Autonomy funds totaling Rp. 650,000,000,000 (Six hundred & fifty billion
rupiahs) were used to fund the elections of the West Papuan governor and several regents in West Papua. The decision to use the Special Autonomy fund for the elections was made by the acting governor of West Papua. The public knows that funding for regional elections should come from regional funding and income and also from national funding.
The question is whether it was appropriate to use Special Autonomy funds totaling Rp. 650,000,000,000 to fund the elections instead of using it to develop/help the indigenous West Papuans?
20. In 2003, the military operation in Puncak Jaya used Rp. 2,500.000.000 (two billion and five hundred million rupiahs). In addition, the regional government spent Rp. 19,000,000,000 (nineteen billion rupiahs) supposedly for food and health of the refugees in the jungles. The funding came from the Special Autonomy fund. The question was who got and used the funding because the refugees (indigenous West Papuans) did not receive any aid or funds.
21. EDUCATION: The future of the indigenous West Papuans is dark and threatened. There has not been any improvement and changes in the field of education during the time of Special Autonomy. In fact, all that has happened is that some teachers have been appointed to new bureaucratic positions in the newly extended regencies (which have been established as a result of the Special Autonomy policy).
22. HEALTH: the health service for the indigenous West Papuans is much worse than for non-Papuans. There has not been any serious attention to the health condition of the indigenous West Papuans. There are many drug stores built near hospitals in towns in West Papua. However, the cost of drugs is very high and cannot be afforded by ordinary indigenous West Papuans who mostly have very low incomes.
23. ECONOMY: In the field of economy, the indigenous West Papuans are marginalized from the migrants who are predominantly Moslem. The native West Papuans do their business on the streets outside wonderful modern shop buildings occupied by migrants. One obvious example is the view in front of the Yasmin Hotel in Jayapura where indigenous West Papuans can be seen putting their goods on the side of the street covered by banana leaves.
24. During the Special Autonomy era, military posts have been set up along the roads to the transmigrant areas. The expansion of the military posts is to protect the migrants and the West Papua”s natural resources.
25. There is no freedom or opportunity to speak freely and give opinions freely. The
power of the Indonesian military and police has oppressed and closed down the freedom of the indigenous West Papuans to speak their voice in open forums.
26. During the Special Autonomy era, there is no democracy, justice and peace and respect of dignity and rights of the indigenous West Papuans. Special Autonomy has become a cruel hell for the indigenous West Papuans. Their future seems darker and frightening. What the indigenous West Papuans have experienced in the Special Autonomy era has been extreme policies to force the Papuans to accept any policies that the Indonesians have produced for the Papuans.
27. The extension of new provinces and new regencies which do not take into account the number of the indigenous West Papuan population has been forced by Jakarta by using several small groups [of Papuans] who have been trained by the Indonesian military. The extension of new provinces and regencies is an Indonesian military project to develop the communication network of all the regions in West Papua. The extension of the new provinces and regencies aim to reduce the space of movement of the indigenous West Papuans. An obvious thing is that land will be taken for the purpose of the ”development”. This, then, would give a chance for the military and the Islamization process. In other words, the process of ethnic genocide of the indigenous West Papuans has occurred through human rights abuse and through education, health, economy, language and culture policies.
28. The central government always states that there is lots of money in the Special
Autonomy fund for the indigenous West Papuans. The present Papuan governor states that every village will have Rp. 1,000,000 (one hundred million rupiahs). However, one thing that we all need to realize is that a great amount of money will not solve the suffering of the indigenous West Papuans. It cannot end the flow of blood and tears of the indigenous West Papuans who have fought and become the victims in order to get justice, peace and their basic rights that they have lost for almost 43 years. The long suffering could not just be replaced with an amount of money because human dignity and pride should not be valued with an amount of money. This is like an analogy of a doctor giving an injection to a patient without any prior diagnosis of the type of illness that the patient is suffering from. The doctor’s action certainly would kill the patient. Thus, Special Autonomy is the same as that analogy in which the money is not the solution to the problems of the indigenous West Papuans but a tool for an effective and systematic way of killing the indigenous West Papuans. People need justice and peace. Their dignity and pride should be recognized and respected.
29. Special Autonomy is therefore identical to:
1. Military and mobile brigade police systematic operations against Papuans.
2. Massive Islamization process through uncontrolled migration process via sea and air.
This is very obvious when the balance of the population between indigenous West Papuans and the Moslem migrants in the towns of Sorong, Merauke, Nabire, Timika, Jayapura, and Keroom (Arso) is compared from before and after Special Autonomy. The population of these towns is now 30% indigenous West Papuans and 70% Moslem migrants.
Having realized and having observed the human tragedy in West Papua and the dark future of the indigenous West Papuans due to violence and the threat of the Indonesian military operations as well as the process of Islamization in West Papua, I would therefore like to urge my international brothers and sisters to do the following:
1. The international community needs to put pressure on the Indonesian government to open a door of dialogue which must be conducted wisely, honestly, and respectfully to find a complete solution to the problems of West Papua. The international community should mediate this dialogue, using a similar method such as the one conducted for Aceh. The most peaceful and respected solution will be to give the indigenous West Papuans an opportunity to exercise their right to self-determination according to the United Nations’ international standards. The referendum must be conducted honestly and democratically.
2. The international community needs to put pressure on the Indonesian government to open access for the UN humanitarian workers, foreign journalists and human rights observers who can visit West Papua to observe and see directly what is happening to the indigenous West Papuans.
3. If there is any visit from ambassadors from the USA, EU countries, Australia, New
Zealand and other states, it is important that the visit will not only be to the
government, military and police officials in Jayapura but also to the indigenous West Papuans who live in Sorong, Manokwari, Nabire, Timika, Keerom, Merauke, Wamena, Serui, Puncak Jaya, Paniai, Yahukimo, and Pegunungan Bintang.
4. If the government of Indonesia does not allow the human rights observers and the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights into West Papua, then, the question we must put to the Indonesian government is; what are you trying to hide and what are you going to do to the indigenous West Papuans?
5. The international community needs to put pressure on the Indonesian government to
withdraw all organic and non-organic troops from West Papua because their presence now outnumbers the indigenous West Papuans.
6. The international community needs to put pressure on the Indonesian government to stop the extension of new provinces and regencies in West Papua. The extension of new provinces and regencies in West Papua is a new effective strategy to systematically carry out the military operations and the Islamization process in West Papua. This strategy must now be investigated and measured. This is also a new version of the old transmigration strategy to kill and wipe out the indigenous West Papuans.
Rev Socratez Yoman, President of Communion of Baptist Churches West Papua socratezyoman_90@hotmail.com Tel: + 62 812 4888458
